Showing posts with label Columns. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Columns. Show all posts

Tuesday, 10 June 2014

Something much higher than Article 371(A) for the Nagas

By: Kaka D. Iralu.: 10 Jun. 2014


Something much higher than article 371(A) was given by God to the Nagas. But tragically, Nagas have turned their backs to this extra-ordinary special provision and have been wandering in the jungles of India and Article 371 (A) for the past 52 years (1962-2014).


The extraordinary special provision that was given by God to the Nagas is found in the Constitution of God (The Bible) in Article Acts 17:26. The wording of this article goes like this: “And he (God) made from one (Adam) all the nations of the earth (Including Nagas) and gave them their respective periods and the boundaries of their habitation.”


Now, it is a universal fact of history that no citizens of any nation on earth have ever created or made their own geographical lands. On the contrary, every citizen of every country is born into a country that has already been there for a long time. As to the creation of any nation’s geographical lands, there is no historical or scientific record that the ancestors of any nation have ever created the mountains, rivers and lands of a country. The Bible is therefore not making any nonsensical statement when it reveals that the author and creator of all nations and their respective geographical and national identities ares a work of God.


In the same vain of truth, the special provision of land ownership and its rights for the Nagas was given by non other than God himself who is the creator and real owner of all the Naga Lands. (The same is true of all nations on earth). This special provision also supersedes or even nullifies anything that India can give to the Nagas. This is so, because Nagaland was never a part of India nor was Nagaland created by any ancestors of India.


Now to be sovereign and independent within ones own God apportioned lands is the inherent right of any nation on earth. This right is also recognised by the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights under article 15 (1) and (2) and 21 (1) and (3). We also must accept that to be sovereign and independent is to be responsible for running one’s own governmental affairs like civil administration, building one’s own economy, industry, defence, finance etc. It means responsible governance which is a very tough work involving sacrifices, toil and sweat.


But what have Nagas gotten from India under Article 371(A) of the Indian Constitution? We have no time or space here to quote the whole of Article 371(A) or the 16 Point Agreement. But if we go through these documents, we will find that all the important factors of running a state was to be handled by the Government of India. On top of this, the funds would be generously provided from the Consolidated Fund of India (Art.371 (A) (c). As for the responsible and gigantic task of running law and order problems in a state, article 371 (A) (b) guarantees: “The Governor of Nagaland shall have special responsibility with respect to law ans order in the state of Nagaland…”


What this means for our Naga leaders who negotiated the 16 Point Agreement and made Nagaland a puppet state in India was that they got Ministerial posts complete with household Assam Rifles bodyguards, massive travel CRPF escort parties with sirens and of course access to the massive development funds that poured into Nagaland after it became an Indian state in 1962. As for running the affairs of the state , they were provide with a lot of manpower right from Chowkidars, Personal Peons, Malis and office staffs to obedient bureaucrats who would pre-fix and su-fix every word with “Sir” and “Sir every time their services were required!
But tell me, can any nation become a strong nation if it is spoon fed and “Governed” by another nation?


As for the rest of the Nagas who constitutes about 80% of the overwhelming majority of Nagas in the villages, their share of the deal was heinous laws like The Armed Special Powers Act 1958/1970, Nagaland Regulation Act 1962 etc. When these acts and Regulations were applied into Nagaland, these village folks, on top of their hard works in their fields, went again and again to Indian Jails and many even died. This was because they refused to give up their dreams of an independent Nagaland where they could live in freedom and liberty. They have suffered the brunt of all these heinous laws for the past 52 years of statehood. That was their share from the so called grand Article 371(A) of the Constitution of India.


Now, at the end of the day, or to put it in years-after 52 years of marriage with article 371(A), what did Nagas gain as a nation? May be 5% of the people who have lived on the top ladder of the Naga society got the lion’s share of the consolidated funds of India. Perhaps another 10% got a steady job with which they were able to raise their children. As for the rest of the Naga population, ask them what they got from this deal with India.
But for those who have been feasting on the sumptuous meals of Article 371(A) set on the externally polished table of the Indian state of Nagaland, watch out for the legs of the table. Over the years, the legs of the table have been ravaged by different Naga political ants -some even wearing national uniforms.


They have all been eating away the soft wood of the table legs so much so that the table might soon crash down in a cloud of dust. The best solution of course would be for India to come and take away this Indian made dinning table that has already cost the Indian exchequer billions of Rupees. The moment this is done, Nagas will be compelled to stand on their own two legs of equality and hard work again. The sooner this is done, the better it will be for both Nagaland and India who are two different and distinct countries.

Friday, 26 August 2011

God Was There in Nagalim - Naga Traditional Religion and Christianity : Conception of God

God Was There in Nagalim
- Naga Traditional Religion and Christianity : Conception of God


Tuisem Ngakang


 

"Do not think that I have come to abolish the Law or the Prophets; I have not come to abolish them but to fulfill them."
Matt: 5: 17

Abstract: The following article is focused on how Christianity uses Nagas belief system as a ground for its own message. Similarities and differences between the two religions have been discussed here. The article will also make an attempt to show how Christianity builds on the foundation of Naga traditional religion.

The growing of Christianity is at a faster rate in Naga society than in any other community. The extraordinary growth prompts one to seek for reasons and specifically to ask whether the Christian conception of God may be an important factor in the acceptance of Christianity by so many Nagas.

The attempt made to saw the Christian faith among the Nagas in 1839 by Bronson, Barkers and Browns was come to an end as "not worth the trouble". The missionaries resumed work only in 1871 by E.W Clark. Clark who arrived in Sibsagar in Assam on 30 May 1869 had a strong determination 'to battle against the heathen rock', so that the cross may "triumph" over "idolatry, had to abandon his plan in Assam in favor of Nagas. Since the response of the Assamese was very poor. (only hundred were converted to Christianity in 37 years!) However the conversion doubled in 1861 and 1871, and they were among the "aboriginal hill tribes", which induced him to work in the Naga Hills.

In the initial stage the response of the Nagas to Christianity was slow. However the phenomenal rise in the number of Christian was seen in during 1920's and 30's

By 1920's and 30's the church had spread out into the Sema, Zeliangrongs and Chakhesangs. In 1922 when the Naga celebrated the 50th anniversary of Clarks arrival there were 5614 Christians in the Ao area alone with many thousand more among the other tribes. Though the Christianity came a bit later to the Sangtams, Konyaks , Changs, Phomes, Yimchunger and kheamungans ( these tribes got bible after India independence) the Christianity spread in a fast rate.

After 1920's there were 2,000 Tangkhul Christians [F.S Down pp.33-34]. By 1950 the Tangkhul church, with more than 10'000 members was the largest and strongest in Manipur. [ibid] By 1950 there were over 1000 Mao Christians [ibid p.182] In the same year there were 1000 Zeliangrong Christians in Manipur [ibid.180]

In the light of above fact one is prompt too ask why the Nagas accepted the Christian faith without much resistant. Is it because of the similarities in the belief system between the Nagas and Christianity or the commonness in the conception of God the factor for the easily acceptance of alien religion by the Nagas?

Nagas Belief System: The Nagas indigenous religion is basically a communal religion. In this religion the force of nature are appeased and spirit-worshiping form an important part of religious rites. To make an appeasement with the evil and unpredictable spirit is practically the basic substance of their religion. The Nagas are deeply religious and their religion sentiments express themselves in worship. The worship of the tribes of Nagas involved two main elements- offerings or sacrifices and geena (taboo)

Nagas Concept of God: The Nagas believe in the existence of a Supreme God. The Nagas also believe in spiritism, that there are unseen beings, which can be termed as lesser spirits in order to distinguish from the Supreme Being who influences the lives of men. The Nagas paid great deal of attention to the lesser spirits while no attention or little is paid to the Supreme Being.

The Naga concept of god is negative in character. The Nagas are not comforted by the spirits but rather filled with fears, by the thought that god's eyes may be upon them. Disaster waits around every corner and threatens even the most capable and intelligent. A wise man is one who seeks the help of the spirits which though unseen are clearly at work in all activities.

This does not mean to nullify that Nagas have lost complete contact with the supreme God. Hudson T.C writes, " in general they (Nagas) believe that in the recesses of the earth or beneath its hills flung over him is stirred from time to like a blanket over a sleeper repose the deity , whose heart ids stirred from time to time with anxiety lest the race of men has perished utterly from the face of the earth. Therefore they all shout รข?~we are alive' whenever the earthquake happens" [The Naga Tribes of Manipur.]

The relationship of Supreme God to Nagas was not so clear other than regarding him as the creator and sustainer of life. It is a wonder that Nagas, instead of worshiping the Supreme God, worshipped the lesser spirits. It seems neither Nagas nor God have interest in each other after the creation of the universe! The strongest disinterestedness in God is seen in the fact that Nagas do not associated morality with their belief in God. For the Nagas, " to be religious mean to be loyal to true to the traditions of the tribes!

It is clear that Nagas believe in Supreme God, but that belief plays only a small role. His role is limited to creating the universe and the life in it. The new faith deepens and broadens the role of the creator God. Now the Nagas realized that God is not only the creator, but sustainer and he is always at work, this new god does not sleep nor slumber but always remain awake and sees to the minutes needs of men (psalm 121:3,4)

In the Nagas' view, Supreme God is pictured as being uninterested in man. Jesus came to bring a different view. God is near; He is in your heart. An important contribution of Christianity is the conviction that God is both good and loving.

The propitiation made by the Nagas to the spirit who always harms them is both the product and a cause of the belief in God. But the cycle was broken by a new action of God in the gift of Jesus Christ, which shows God to be a living Father. The greatest contribution is the elevation of theism to the apex of concern for the man of faith.

Appeal of Christianity: Christianity has made remarkable contribution to Nagas life, especially to thought and belief regarding God. There is no denying the fact that Christianity has appeal to the Nagas. No doubt the political power of the colonial invaders was a factor, but one cannot explain the Nagas adoption of the Christian faith simply as a political imposition.

There is something in the deep need in the Nagas soul. The Nagas' belief God is not interested to his people. They worshipped gods out of fear not love. But the Nagas longs for a God who is loving and caring. The deepest yearning of his heart is brought to them by Christianity and pushes Him into the center of Nagas consciousness.

The Nagas know that in the deepest recesses of his heart that there must be a God who is present, who loves and cares. When the Christians proclaim their message of God's loves as seen by His coming to men in Jesus, the Nagas eagerly accept that message.

It is not difficult for the Nagas to accept new teaching since the Christianity is not quit different from the belief system of the Nagas, may it be a concept of God, the concept of revelation or belief in the life after death. With regards to the concept of revelation, the Nagas had means to predict the future; they seek the light from the unseen world for revelation, through divination and dreams and make known the mysteries, which are veiled to the mortal being.

The Nagas believes that gods reveal themselves to human being through sign, dreams, noises and chirping of certain birds. The way god reveals himself to his people is always the same. In most cases the dreams and omens through which the Nagas predicted their future were true.

As far as the concept of revelation to the traditional Nagas and Christian Nagas concern the difference is degree no kind! Christianity does not represent wholly different concept. The old technique was good, but incomplete. God reveals himself to Nagas through other men, who are themselves mortal beings.

The revelation made to Nagas become more complete when they were introduced by Christianity to Jesus Christ. Revelation is an evolution. Me are led step by step into their understanding of the mysteries of God. Though there are some aspects of Nagas life and through which cannot be harmonized with the mind of Christ, the Nags have true knowledge of God.

Weakness of Christianity: Missionaries work reflects by and large the ambivalence of the sacred-secular dichotomy of western culture, while in practice missionaries address themselves to the needs of this world through education, agriculture, medical and social services, their message is principally oriented in an other-worldly direction.

It is true that at some points the message and practice tend toward convergence. Missionaries do in fact call for prayer in time of need and the religious emotion generated in Christian revivals is a profound significance for the daily lives of many Nagas. No doubt the combination of prayer to God and medical service impress the Nagas as important in his situation.

However it is not exaggeration to suggest that this worldly emphasis is in general too divorced from the spiritual concerns of Nagas' thought and that Christian.

When the concept of taboo is destroyed due to the impact of western culture, the same kind of taboo is placed in observing Sabbath or Sunday. The introduction of many dos and donts by the Christianity make the Nagas more Christianity and not godly.

The Christianity failed to create an inner compulsion for morality to take the place of the old taboo system. One of the greatest disasters created by the Christianity to the Nagas is that he is forced to receive only a secular, scientific education, because he become educated is necessary. He learns science is important. But he needs also a new motive for morality.

The experience of education and contact with the world is a necessity challenge, but it must not be allowed to destroy Nagas life. Christianity should be a bridge between the old morality and that, which is required for this new day. There must be a rule of conduct if people are to live together in harmony, at the same time society cannot rest entirely on the sanction of external law.

There must be inner controls if life is to be bearable. The most ideal society is where members are governed not by fear of the consequences of wrong actions but a love of the right and good.

Conclusion: The Nagas even before the coming of the Christianity worshipped the true God. The Nagas were and are deeply religious people. Christianity did not make the Nagas religious, nor did Christianity bring god to Nagas. God was there before the arrival of the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Christianity did not even identify God for the Nagas. The Nagas had already identified Him. What Christianity did was to clarify the Nagas view of God and this was done by making known to Naga, Gods own self-revelation in Jesus Christ.

The action of the Christian God has its origin in the traditional beliefs of the Nagas. Almost all the Christian missionaries never tired of saying that the Christianity is the light against Naga darkness. This would be wrong.

It would be more appropriate to term Naga belief as 'twilight' or dawn (from which the midday light originated) It is a light but not perfect one. Christianity dispels the obscurity of the Nagas belief.

Christianity liberates the Nagas from the fears which nature and various gods imposed upon them. It convinced the Nagas that man could befriend nature and the various gods and the universe to his own benefit. Therefore the gospel of love brought by Christianity is also the gospel of freedom.

The coming of Christianity to Nagas is nothing but the fulfillment of Jesus affirmation that he did not come to destroy the law or the prophets but to fulfill them (Matt.5:17), it is clear in the statement of Jesus that the old Nagas laws had a value but was incomplete. Jesus comes to give full effect to that which had gone or before.
The writer can be reached at tuisem.ngakang@gmail.com

Wednesday, 24 August 2011

Education and Conflict: A Perspective of Manipur

Published in JOURNAL OF THE INDIAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY. VOLUME 44 NUMBER 3 NOVEMBER 2009. Pages 299-306.


 

Education and Conflict: A Perspective of Manipur


 

Abstract: The article attempts to examine the impact of conflict on education. It specifically focuses on Manipur state, which has multiple ethnic groups within one boundary, from Meitei (Manipuri), the dominant group, to the small tribal groups like Tangkhul, Zeliangrong, Paitie, Gangte etc. Affirmative actions, policies of positive discrimination, allocation of educational resources, ethnic identity, linguistic crisis, struggles around integrity, as well as the impact of militancy towards education in the state will be examined. This article mainly examines the complex relationship of the dimensions of ethnic conflict to educational development in the tribal hilly region of Manipur.

Kashung Zingran Kengoo

 

Introduction:

Manipur is a multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic and multi-religious state. Due to paucity of land resource there has been intense competition among the different ethnic groups to gain control over them, the ethnic conflict had far reaching consequences and has impacted education adversely. According to Smith, "there are number of ways in which state education can add to tension or fuel conflict. These include system of governance, particularly as they relate to participation and policies on such things as the language of instruction, access, curriculum content, and pedagogy. It is necessary to ensure that the provision of education is consistent with human rights principles and practices” (Smith 2003, p.2). In Manipur, the struggle for education has interlinkages with all these dimensions. Table 1.1 Distribution of Ethnic Groups in Manipur

 

 































DistrictEthnic Group
Imphal, Bishnupur and ThoubalMeiteis, Pangans, and few Settlements of Kom
UkhrulTangkhul Nagas and few Settlements of Kukis
SenapatiMao Nagas, Poumai Nagas, Maram Nagas, Thangal Nagas, and few Settlement of Kukis
TamenglongZeliangrong Nagas (Zeliang, Rongmei and Zeme), Chiru Nagas, and few settlements of Kukis
ChandelMaring Nagas, Monsang Nagas, Lamkang Nagas, Chothe Nagas, Monyon Nagas, Tharao Nagas, and Kukis
ChurachandpurPaite, Simte, Raite, Mizos, Hmar, Suhte, Purum, Gangte, Vaiphei, Kuki

Source: Shimray (2001)

The ethnic conflicts in Manipur emerged right from the historical times when hordes of migrants move into the region from its eastern borders. The wars intensified with the British policy to settle the migrant Kuki tribes next to the Naga settlements so as to create a buffer between the Naga and the Meitei population. The conflict between the Meiteis and Nagas with the Indian state began right after 1947. But the ethnic conflict intensified in the early 70s, with Kuki-Naga clashes in which hundreds of people were killed, thousands of homes and villages were destroyed, and many people were displaced among both the communities. During the period of Kuki-Naga clashes the Kuki population living in Chandel, Senapati, Tamenglong and Ukhrul districts were compelled to flee to the Churachandpur district, displacing school children from one place to another, disturbing their academic schedule. The economic and, no less, psychological impacts of disruption and human loss are believed to have affected the education of children.

After the Kuki-Naga clash, there were the Meitei-Pangan (Manipuri Muslims) riots in Imphal valley killing many innocent lives. During 1970s there was conflict between the Kuki groups and the majority Thadou groups due to aggression perpetrated within the Kukis. The Hmar, Paites and other minority tribes claimed separate identities for themselves distinct from the Thadou dominant majority groups who held the Kuki identity.

 

Identity and Linguistic Crisis :

The language issue is one of the central issues for ethnic conflict in Manipur. Manipur state comprises of several distinct ethnic groups and each of them have their own language. Meiteis as a dominant group, under the leadership of Meetei Erol Eyek Loinasinlon Apunba Lup (MEELAL) has been trying to impose the Manipuri language (Meiteilon) in the tribal areas, but tribals do not know how to read and write Manipuri script, and not unexpectedly opposed the move. Struggles over language are tied to struggles for cultural and economic power. "Compelling smaller groups to accept the linguistic dominance of the majority is a major cause of ethnic tensions and political instability” (Bush and Saltarelli 2000, p.18). "The language problem in Manipur began during the early 1980s when state government tried to introduce Meiteilon as a compulsory subject in class X” (Shimray 2000, p.3008). On April 13, 2005, stepping up the agitation to demand the implementation of Meetei Mayek (Manipuri Script), MEELAL activists set on fire the state central library destroying books, besides damaging a large part of the building.

Contestations around language, particularly the introduction of Meetei Mayek, have been expressed through political protests by student organisations across different ethnic communities. Nagas and the other tribals in Manipur rejected Meetei Mayek outright as an instrument of cultural domination, and student organizations like All Tribal Students? Union, Manipur (ATSUM), All Naga Student Association, Manipur (ANSAM), and Kuki Student Organization (KSO) protested against its imposition. The United Naga Council (UNC), the Naga apex body of Manipur articulated their opposition towards introduction of Meetei Mayek to the tribal communities. Linguistic conflict has further fractured the sense of a Manipuri identity. "Recent Manipuri language [the indigenous language of the Meitei community] movement to replace Bengali script by Meetei-Mayek in fact threatens the ethnic relationship. Certainly language being an important cultural component has immense social and political implications. Language is also the glue that holds societies together; therefore language policy constitutes one of the backbones of assimilation efforts” (Shimray, Meetei Mayek: Uneasy Script, webcast at e-pao.net on 03 October 2007).

The struggle has been particularly intense in areas with significant and high populations of Nagas. The demand for a syllabus that speaks of Naga identity stems from an understanding that this is a right that is systematically denied. "All children have a right to know and to understand their own personal story, that is, they have a right to know their own place in a larger history” (Bush & Saltarelli 2000, p.19). In 2006, four districts located in Naga inhabited regions of Manipur took out rallies demanding the process of shifting affiliation from the Board of Secondary Education Manipur (BOSEM) to the Nagaland Board of Secondary Education (NBSE). In Senapati district which is located in the Northern part of the state, one of the placards read "We respect Meitei?s history, please respect our history too” (Nagarealm News, 29 August, 2006).

Speaking to the gathering after the rally in Senapati district of Manipur, N. Heni, President of Naga Private Schools Forum, Manipur, said that the " rally is a gesture to the world that the Nagas are dejected and isolated in Manipur by Meiteis. Nagas today are like a body torn apart into pieces and made to walk like a dead man without identity, as every development in Manipur is cause for some serious threat to every Naga. Specially when it comes to education, the textbooks of Manipuri have denied our rights, culture and identity. Now the time has come for Naga people to realise this, and we today take this step in moving hand in hand from BOSEM to NBSE to fulfill our aspiration to study textbooks that respect our history, culture and wisdom” (Nagarealm News, 26 August, 2006). In 2007, all the private high schools affiliated under Manipur Board which are located in the Naga-dominated districts of Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Senapati and Chandel, were transferred to the NBSE and students appeared High School Leaving Certificates (HSLC) examinations in Nagaland for the first time.

In Ukhrul district from 2007 onwards, under the direction of All Private School Association, Ukhrul District (APSAUD) all private aided and unaided schools changed their syllabus by using the Nagaland board syllabus till class VII, but in class IX and X, the private schools continued with Manipur board syllabus. Since after the first appearing of examination in Nagaland, Manipur government opposed the affiliation and the students had to be back to Manipur board. The government schools have continued with the Manipur board syllabus. Class VIII of NBSE syllabus of social sciences has chapters that include references to Naga history and regional geography (Nagas after Independence, mountains and river of Nagaland etc.). The government schools located in the hilly tribal regions are underdeveloped, with little infrastructure and are paid scant attention by government authorities. The pursuit for better education and the need to foster integrity among the Nagas who have been divided into different parts of the state by the central government, and courses that fulfill the aspiration of the people have compelled the educational institutions to adopt this position.

Due to disaffection and opposition by Manipur government in affiliation process, presently, according to the ANSAM, sought No Objection Certificates from the Manipur government to affiliate HSLC and Higher Secondary School Leaving Certificates (HSSLC) to NBSE. The Manipur government threatened to derecognize if the private schools that tried to affiliate them to the Board of Secondary Education Manipur (BOSEM). The apex Naga Student Organization, Naga Student Federation (NSF) vice president, Charles Lotha states, "The Manipur Government has become the main hindrance in affiliation of Manipur schools to Nagaland as it has not only threatened private schools but also stopped issuing No Objection Certificates to willing schools” (Newmai News Network, webcast on 10 February 2009, at tangkhul.com). The main motive to stop schools from affiliating to the Naga Board is to deter integration of Nagalim, the larger region dominated by the Naga tribes in four states of northeastern part of India-Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Myanmar (Burma) into a single cultural identity, in which the curriculum will have a specific focus on Naga history, culture and tradition. According to Paul Leo, President of the United Naga Council, apex body of Nagas in Manipur, "We want all the Naga-inhabited areas in Manipur be merged with Nagaland immediately as this is our aspiration, to live together as one people under one political roof” (Hussain, Nagas in Manipur Demand Greater Nagaland. Indo-Asian News service, 04 November 2001).

 

Tribals’ Struggle for Equality

According to Shimray (2000), the population of Meiteis community is the majority in Manipur an they are predominant in Imphal valley, Bishempur and Thoubal districts. The Meiteis Pangans and other non-tribal population comprises 65.57 percent of the state population. Tribals comprise 34.43 percent of the population of Manipur. Different tribes inhabit the hilly regions and some parts of the valley. Among the tribes in Manipur, Nagas consist of 18.72 percent and Tangkhul Naga tribe has the second highest population in Manipur. Almost the entire population is settled in Ukhrul district, (which is dominated by the Tangkhuls and some Kukis). In Manipur according to state policy, reservation for the STs is 32 percent and 2 percent is for the SCs. The quota that has been implemented by the state does not function equally for the minority. There is concentration of power in the hands of the Meiteis. The Meiteis cornered the reserved seats for students in Manipur University as well as the faculty positions. In Chandel district, at a rally against deprivation of tribal rights in Manipur University, playcards were displayed which read as "Don?t turn MU into Meitei University”, "We demand a separate hill University”, "MU is Manipur University not Manipuri University” (The Sangai Express. Webcaste on 14 October 2008, at e-pao.net).

Within this situation of inequality, education is a central focus of tribal assertion. Basic infrastructure that should be given in tribal areas in the hills is not provided. ATSUM has been engaged in struggles with the government to improve the education system in tribal areas, through strikes, bandhs and economic blockades in Manipur to focus on the issue. These actions have not yielded desired results: Talks between the ATSUM and the government were held several times but no action has been taken. Government schools remain stagnant in tribal regions, condemning tribals to economic backwardness. Domination by the Meitei majority has resulted in alienation for tribal communities. As Narang (2002) suggests, this has implications for the perception of marginalization "The promotion of minority identity requires special measures intended to facilitate maintenance, reproduction and further development of the culture of minorities. The issue is not one of conflict between rights or of discrimination, but of generating confidence among minorities about the protection of their identity” (Narang 2002, P.2696).

Problems of quality (inadequate teachers, lack of infrastructure) affect the secure transition of tribal students, and this can be seen in the low intake of tribal students in the Manipur University. "The rationalization policy of State Government will definitely belie the aspirations of the hill peoples as the said approach is unlikely to work as anticipated since it has already failed to address the basic issues of education-students, infrastructure and teachers. ATSUM observed that it is advisable for the State Government to first give on thought why there are so few students in many government schools” (The Sangai Express, webcaste on February 2008, at e-pao.net). This is compounded by the unsatisfactory implementation of reservation policies by the state government and inequalities in educational participation and educational development between the general category and tribal people within the states. Most elites, especially politicians and bureaucrats, even Nagas and other tribes send their children to other states for higher education and are not interested in possibilities of better education within the state. An ATSUM statement brings out the dissatisfaction with the state?s neglect of education: „Too much energy and resources have been wasted trying to get a dignified share of our rights to education. We do not have any faith in the government?s will or capacity to develop our human resources. We have reached a limit where we have to look for alternatives? (The Imphal Free Press, webcaste on 9 September 2007, kanglaonline.com).

 

Insurgency versus Civil Organization

The Meitei militants groups played positive and negative role towards education whereas on the other side civil organization demanded the militant groups to free education from disturbance. Education in Manipur is reported to be beset with corruption. It is evident that unfair means during examinations are rampant, with parents and relatives assisting candidates and invigilators and teachers helping their students in order to get good results. This in the long run affects the education. Competition between private schools and government schools, and among these as well, leads students to make notes, copy from others, and have teachers solving questions to get their students a good grade and better results for the schools. „Better the result the more popular the school? is the credo underlying this market driven corruption, since schools with better results attract higher enrolments. Government schools cannot compete with private schools, and a large majority of their students failed in HSLC and HSSLC examinations.

On 27 February 2006, in Imphal, the Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup (KYKL) a Meitei militant group tried to control corruption by imposing certain rules. In a statement, the outfit stated that during the examination period there should be no bandhs, blockades or general strikes. The Special Task Force of the ONK has been given the license to open fire at anyone who violated the guidelines. A statement of the KYKL (2006), states that defaulting officers will be punished through imposition of fines or forced retirement. "If anyone is found intimidating, threatening with revenge, assaulting or inciting anyone against officials of the board, Officer Incharges (OCs), invigilators and teachers for carrying out their duties then stern punishment will be awarded. The punishment will range from barring them from appearing in any exams for five years to capital punishment” (The Sangai Express, webcaste on 27 February 2006, at e-pao.net)

Due to excessive misuse of teacher post in Manipur, KYKL militant group searched out many fakely appointed teachers, and persons holding three, four post of teachers with different fake names. The guilty people were punished in several ways- shot in the leg or forced to retire.

The insurgency has had severe consequences on children as there are real fears of kidnapping and abduction, leading to a confined existence. School going children are kidnapped for recruitment into cadres, or for ransom. Militant groups are known to make demands in hospitals, Regional Institute of Medical Science (RIMS), Zonal Education Office (ZEO). Large sums of money are demanded by one or the other insurgency group from schools; those that do not comply are forcibly shut down. On 10 September 2008, the Don Bosco High School in Imphal, which is run by Catholic missionaries is reported to have been forced to close down due to a huge ransom demanded by one or many militant groups. Similarly Kanan Devi Momorial School at Pangai Imphal was reportedly closed down because of monetary demand of Rs.5 lakhs by a militant group called „Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)?. All such disruptions lead to a denial of children?s fundamental right to education, apart from their emotional and psychological trauma.

In the recent past, there have been public protests against disruptions to education caused by the insurgency movements in the state, in which children, parents and teachers across the state have participated. A mass rally was held on 5 July 2008 in Imphal organized by the Democratic Student Alliance of Manipur (DESAM) under the banner of „Disturbance Free Educational Zone? (The Sangai Express, 6 July 2008). The organisation appealed to insurgency groups and civil organizations not to make monetary demand on educational institutions and on officials of education departments. But within a week of the rally, the Imphal Free Press 2008, reported the case of two 13 year old boys from Thoubal district studying in class VIII, being kidnapped and recruited by a militant group „People?s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK)?. These boys were released after the mounting of public pressure on the militants.

 

Conclusion:

Ethnic conflicts are endemic to Manipur almost since the time of independence. The conflicts most often have turn violent for protracted periods. Such violence severely affect the lives of ordinary people causing loss of property and life. This dislocates the life so much that people are compelled to remain confined to their house for long durations. This also causes the frequent closure of schools, college and other educational institutions. Naturally, students prove to be the greatest casualty. Apart from this, frequent kidnapping and their recruitment to the militant outfits put a break to their educational aspirations. In the recent times some of the parent bodies and civil societies have woken up to the menace of militancy and have rallies protesting against child abuse and forced recruitment. The tribesman in the hill districts too have risen to the occasion and have organized many protest and prolonged movements. Concrete results of such drives are yet to come by. But some flickers can be felt.

 

Acknowledgement

I would like to give sincere thanks to Prof. J.J. Roy Burman, for assisting me in my academic career.

 

References

 

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Imphal Free Press. 2008. Another child recruitment case of two Thoubal boys by UGs comes to

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Shimray, U. A. 2000. Linguistic Matrix in Manipur. Economic and Political Weekly, August 19,

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Shimray, U. A. 2007. Meitei-Mayek: Uneasy script. Retrieved January 16, 2008, from

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Department for International Development (UK). Retrieved

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(http://www.e-pao.net/GP.asp?src=2.14.140405.apr05).

 

The Sangai Express. 2006. KYKL lays down dos and don?ts during HSSLC, HSLC exams.

Retrieved February 23, 2008, from    (http://www.epao.net/GP.asp?src=8.16.280206.feb06).

 

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the hill. Retrieved January 12, 2008, from

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The Sangai Express. 2008. Thousands rally for education „free zone?. July 06, Sunday,

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My People: Perception of the Past. By - Tuisem Ngakang

My people, the Nagas, have a continuing high regard for the past, and throughout our life we are taught by example and observation that it is through the knowledge gained over time that our people have managed to survive.

We Naga are taught that all things stem from and continue to be tied to the past, and that it must continue to be respected and preserved. In our land, it is necessary to hand down from generation to generation the knowledge and the skills to ensure survival.

It is no longer news to state that the customs, beliefs, values and opinions of the Nagas society have been handed down from their ancestors to posterity by word of mouth or by practice since the earliest times, until the advent of British colonization and its stress on literacy and the written word barely 150 years or so, changed the trend. Before this so-called ‘civilizing’ contact the Nagas had lived his life and had maintained his tradition in his own way. He had made things and had acquired property; he had believed, loved, hated, fought, wandered and wondered, and had learned many things by his own experimental existence. His dreams, fears and his hopes had existed since the most primitive days when his life began.

From birth, through stories and legends about survival, endurance and respect for nature and all mankind, children are taught. Toys and playthings are fashioned for them, including tools and traditional dress so that they may learn early about the roles they will assume. Girls were provided with packing parkas and carry their dolls on their back as they will carry their children in the future, and they are taught the traditional styles and methods for sewing and designing clothing. Boys are dealt with from an early age as budding warriors, and are introduced to traditional games, group play and exercises to learn alertness, improvisation and endurance.

Children quickly come to understand in my culture that time-honored skills and attitudes can never be relegated solely to the past; that they ensure a way of life and survival in the present and for the future.

A great amount of time was spent by children in listening to the elders as they recount tales of their past, and in hearing through individual songs called haolaa. These songs usually speak of events that occurred in the past and detailed their reaction to them. Their ties to the past have essentially been passed down verbally through legends, anecdotes and songs.

I am part of something that time has not erased. As a Naga I have learned first-hand that the knowledge handed down by my people on survival in our land is not to be disregarded, and failure to practice and uphold this wisdom can only result in tragedy or disharmony to an individual or a group. We, as Naga, have a strong sense of self-of who we are, and why we are as we are.

Through our legends we Nagas speak of our close ties with the spiritual world, and of our reverence for and understanding of wildlife. Stories handed down through time depict our interrelationship with the animal world, and tell of animals and humans exchange roles, acquiring supernatural powers and teaching and providing for one another. Our artwork also reflects these relationships, and has rituals that show respect for and acceptance of this oneness and harmony, which are displayed in our carvings and shawls.

All these, and more, are an eloquent testimony of the way of life of a people-they represent the spirit, attitude, wisdom and life-style which the Nagas had lived, had believed and had passed on from generation to generation for many centuries. They are the product of his experience rooted at a particular time in the life of the society. This built-up wealth of Nagas oral tradition has lived is living and will live in the folklore of the people. It is enshrined in the memories and hearts of the people. These tradition-bearers have kept alive the totality of our society, the unique system of our beliefs, the pristine virtues of our humanity and the rich cultural heritage found in the folk tales, myths, legends, proverbs, superstitions, songs and recitations of our ancestors which have come down from the remote past of our history.

When the Westerners came to our land, many of our Nagas values and practices were not understood by Westerners- people whose civilizations were different from our own. The tendency was to laugh at those things which looked surprising from the standpoint of those who made themselves judges. These were labeled primitive and uncivilized, because they did not conform to ‘civilized’ standards.

Early White missionaries, who considered the folk-lore as rustic and primitive, without dept or sophistication, missed the point completely. Although there may be some common-sense beliefs and superstitions in the uncivilized communities, it must be noted that these have existed side-by side with some of the most profound philosophies as well as some of the deepest truth of humanity.

Our older people told us that we are the earliest inhabitant of this land. We are also aware of the tales and stories associated with the earliest contact with non-Nagas-in the form of wanderers, traders, missionaries, geographers, administers. Our older people speak of their parents meeting the earliest visitors and sharing our food and shelter with them. Although the time span that we refer to is general, the information handed down is very specific and detailed.

There are many sites in our place, which tells the heroic deeds of our forefathers and speak about our past, but it has limited historical interest to the Nagas, as they have simply accepted their existence as part of their life. However our attitude should change as outsiders are intruding in, the new awareness of these sites should be extended as the key to preserving the past. As the population grows, our people should become increasingly concerned about the threat to the environment.

We are told that, recently some archeological work has done in our land. It is good that we are digging out our past, but it is also necessary for the Nagas to share their understanding and knowledge of the past. More time and attention will have to pay to the strong concerns we have regarding the remover of artifacts to distant museum locations, where we question whether we shall ever get an opportunity to view them again and utilize them to educate our own children. To know that we belong to us, we need to make actively doing our part to preserve our environment, wildlife, historical sites while they are still relatively intact. We should learn, how valuable and experience caring these to me and to my children. Spending our time in taking care of these invaluable resources is identical to look at our own way of life.

Standing here in my own land - with friendly birds and lovely animals- I am aware, as they may be that their ancestors probably watched mine in the same manner as in this same place hundreds of years ago. Here at this land, nothing has changed through time. I-Naga- and the land and the animals are still here. This is my past, and this has become a special place. Even though I am young, I too am the past as much as I am the future!

Comment or feedback may be send to the writer: tuisem.ngakang@gmail.com

Colonial Encounter and the Cultural Processes of Nagas

This article is an attempt to see the cultural processes of the Nagas as a result of their encounter with the colonial rule and Christian missionaries since the early half of the 19th century. The cultural processes will be seen through three successive stages:
1. Cultural elimination
2. Cultural imposition and adaptation
3. Cultural revitalization and construction.


However one should note that the processes cannot be put in the sequential order as sometimes several cultural processes work simultaneously within the same period. Attempt has been made to associate these processes with beginning or latter phases in the growth of Christianity.

Cultural Elimination:  While talking about the elimination of culture, one should not only contempt the disappearance of the rich cultural heritage of the Nagas but also acknowledges as well as credited for stamping out the social ills and practices of the Nagas. The missionaries and the administrators deserved the praise for abolishing and putting down the evil practices, like head-hunting which combined with superstitious as a symbol of honor, valor and manhood, as means of pleasing god  and as a source of prosperity . And some of the practices like polygamy and polyandry were abolished as a precondition for acceptance as a Christian faith. The practice of killing the twins  by some of the Naga tribes was abolished as against principle of Christianity and the British administrators considered such kind of barbaric practices should not exist in their governed areas. As a result of the abolition of these practices, a new era of peace and goodwill emerged amongst themselves and a good neighborly friendship with others tribes developed.


While acknowledging the missionaries, we should also not forget their cultural arrogance. The early missionaries supposed it necessary to give up completely the indigenous practices by the Nagas converts since the missionaries considered the practices of "pagans” and that of Christianity to be contradictory to each other. The missionaries also felt that if the newly converts are allow to continue with their old practices, they might go back to their indigenous religion.


The first and the foremost step taken by the missionaries were to eliminate or demonized the numerous spirits worshiped and revered by the Nagas as contradictory to Christian beliefs. The Christian missionaries painted the terhoma  in the most malicious manner. " The missionaries in their blindness”, writes, Hutton, "teaches the Angami converts to regard all terhoma as evil and mission taught Nagas are in the habit of translating the generic terhoma into English or Assamese as "satan” . All of these, Satan as they are called, are however very far from having those qualities which traditionally are associated with the Devil. They considered the sacrifices made to the spirits as superstitious and several elements of Nagas tradition, like festivals, divinations, and geenas as in direct conflict with Christianity and thus they think it their moral right to attack and eliminate the indigenous practices.


In the sphere of rites and festivals related to death, like thisam phanit (festival for sending off the dead soul practiced by the Tangkhul Naga) which was the longest festival for the death   was completely stopped in 1920, and a fine of Rs. 600 was imposed to anyone who attempted to celebrate!  The disposing of death body by exposing by some Naga tribes like Ao Nagas and offering of food and drinks to the deceased was considered as opposed to the Christian faith and ideals were eliminated.  The Feast of merit or ‘status earning distribution’ one of the most important means of earning status in the society was discouraged and eliminated by the missionaries. For the Nagas man does not gain social respect by just possessing of wealth, but only by spending it for the benefit of the community. To gain the social prestige a man has to give a number of feasts. By giving a Feast of merit, a feast giver’s status rises, ensuring he will be remember even after death. The one who hosted a Feast of merit, show his status through certain ornaments, clothes or house carving. With the discouraged of this noble practice, the community spirit has broken, and individualism began to assert itself.
With the elimination of the Feast of Merit, rice-beer, the favorite drink of the Nagas was brutally contempt as unchristian and was substituted by tea which has far inferior nutritive value.


The peculiar and unique hairstyle of the Nagas, like of Ao Nagas, cut off squarely all round , or that of Tangkhul Nagas cutting off closely at the sides leaving a broad crest  which was essentially the sign of manliness was eliminated as a price for conversion to Christianity. The converts’ youth was to cut it off same as the missionaries or in western hair cut so that they might not be mistaken as non-Christian Nagas. For the same reason, the use of massive bangles and other traditional ornaments has been eliminated; they have been replaced with modern ornaments. Tattooing or beautifying of body through bricking with various pattern which was widely done by both man and women of northern Tangkhul Nagas and Konyak was eliminated as against the Christian faith as considered by the missionaries as the violation of the clean and holy body given by God.
The missionaries considered every indigenous thing as ‘heathen practices’, which they considered as their duty to get ride of as a service to the Nagas.


Tribal songs, dances, sacrifices, celebration of various kinds were slowly removed from the converted Naga Christian. The morung, the Nagas centre of learning music was disapproved by the missionaries on the ground that a morung was a place of ‘vice’ . The missionary detested the tribal culture of breaking out into community singing and dance practiced with big feast. The missionary fear that the newly convert Christian might reverse back to ‘heathenism’ if they are permitted community singing and dancing.


The missionaries did not hesitate in eliminating some of the food habits of the Nagas. One of the strongest evident in the changing of food habits was the refusal to eat the pig meat by the Nagas who accepted the faith of Seventh Day Adventists in the fifties of the 20th century.


The elimination and the disappearance of the various practices of the Nagas as seen from the above discussion were motivated by two factors. Firstly, some of the practices were partly abolished by the missionaries as against the Christian faith and partly by the administrator as their moral duty to eradicate the ill practices in their administered areas.  Secondly, in order to show their sense of distinctness by the newly converts Nagas and to show their cultural segregation from their non-converts, they themselves gave up their indigenous practices. The early converts being falsely impressed by the white missionaries, the acceptance of ruler’s religion i.e Christianity gave them a sense of religious superiority over the Naga indigenous belief system.


This false feeling of religious superiority supported by a sense of distinction from the believers of indigenous belief system motivated the converts to eliminate some practices even though they did not necessarily conflict or associated with the Christian faith.

Cultural Imposition and Adaptation: For many years even after their acceptance of the Christian faith most Nagas were still a nominal Christian and hardly understand the implications of the Christian faith. But in their outward appearance and life style they have change superficially into western mode of living.


With the elimination of the various practices of the Nagas, the missionaries advocated the Nagas to adopt certain tangible symbols of "Christian civilization”- the wearing of clothes, the cropping of hair, and introducing of some new food items in the life of the Nagas. Simple villagers were taught to change their life style like European as far as possible, in appearance and in behavior.


With regards to music, from the beginning of their work, the missionaries had realized the importance of music in Naga society. However it was not the traditional Naga folksong that they were interested, or they intend to encourage. On the contrary, the missionaries introduced new style of singing-Christian hymns and simple gospel songs. To the convert Nagas, the missionaries encouraged singing of gospel songs and some of them also prepared new ones.  In the church and during religious services, the hymns and gospels taught by the missionaries became to occupy and continue to play a large role in prayers and worship services.


Naga learn new style of singing through these religious practices. Giving a special number in the church service before the congregation has become the fashioned of the newly convert, and thus the division of performers and audience has emerged. Before the Naga encountered with the missionaries there was no such classification of listener or performers. The converts Nagas began to imitate the light Western music in their own way.


One of the strongest evident of cultural imposition was the introduction of tea, in place of rice beer. Rice beer was contempt by the missionaries as they thought that it was the part and parcel of "paganism” and the roots of violence and debauchery. Giving up of rice beer was the sign of Christian lifestyle. Today, the Nagas take tea in place of rice beer, and tea is served to a guest and on any festive occasions.


There were some aspects of culture which were not consciously imposed by the administrators or missionaries but the native considered as an integral part of the missionaries. One such example was the European-style house. For the missionaries and the administrators building the European-style house was just a place where they can sheltered themselves, but this has become a matter of admiration and imitative for the simple Nagas. Though the missionaries doesn’t not imposed the European-style house they did not approve the traditional style, since the Naga traditional house contained carving of animals, birds or human figure and thus the missionaries considered unchristian. With the stopping of beautiful carving made on the pillars of the houses and doors, the Nagas were left with no choice but to adopt the simple and inartistic western style house.
Utensils of various kinds were also replaced as a result of their contact with the missionaries. The skillfully carved bamboo vessels were replaced by enamel mugs, aluminums pots takes the place of old bamboo vessels. Western furniture like tables, chairs etc were also gradually imitate by the Nagas.

Cultural Revitalization and Construction: Cultural construction and revitalization is a deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture to identify themselves and make sense out of their historical experience. This stage of cultural process  starts from second half of the 20th century in 1950’s, when the Nagas have rooted in Christianity and their search for identity were at its zenith.
Two factors are responsible for this stage of cultural process. One: this cultural process takes place when the converts have acquired a considerable understanding of Christianity and when they are in a position to make their own value judgments. This process involves the re-evaluation of earlier eliminated elements of Nagas traditional practices and the re-adoption after essential modifications. Secondly, the construction of culture was the initiative taken by the Naga nationalist to assert their own identity.


The passing of imperial rule and the irresistible weight of traditional culture have led many Naga scholars and leaders to question ever-increasing the status which western culture ascribed to native culture and to seek a new Nagas cultural values. Amidst the usual uncertainties and anxieties of personal and national identity crisis, including the confrontation of such question as what to retain, reject, accept, modify and fuse, there has been a legitimate rejuvenation and revival of traditional culture. In some pockets the actions necessary for the survival of traditional culture are being taken. In a Tangkhul Naga village like Ringui, a dancing club name Mathotmi Dance Club was formed in 1952 after returning from performing in New Delhi in India Republic Day celebration and till date the Club occupy an important place in the village as the guardian of the cultural tradition such as dance form, folk songs etc.


Recently, Tangkhul Mayar Ngala Long,  in order to revitalize the disappearing colorful attires of the Tangkhul Nagas  pronounced that, in every marriage costume there should be at least one item of Tangkhul traditional dress should be worn both by the bride and groom. It emphasizes more on the external aspects of the culture than focusing on the whole traditional marriage rituals. The Long i.e organization also prescribed that it is a must for every Tangkhul Naga individuals to have the traditional shawl.
Building a cultural basis for the sake of rescuing the disappearing cultural tradition is not the only goal prompting cultural reconstruction. Cultural construction is also method for revitalizing ethnic boundaries and redefining the meaning of ethnicity in existing ethnic populations.


Cultural construction is especially important to pan-ethnic groups like Nagas as they are often composed of subgroups with histories of conflict and animosity. Thus the construction of one social and cultural identity was necessary to strengthen their oneness.


Some names of the traditional festivals of different Naga tribes are also merged to one name to give a new meaning. Lui-Ngai-Nii is one such name. This festival is an annual seed sowing festival celebrated every year on 15th February by all the Nagas from Manipur since 1990. The name is derived from the combination of three festivals of different tribes; Lui is taken from the Tangkhul Naga seed sowing festival Luira, Ngai from Gaangai (seed sowing festival of Zeliangrong Naga) and Nii from Thounii (seed sowing festival of Poumai Naga), thus form a generic name Lui-Ngai-Nii. The hallmark of this festival is to promote peace and harmony among the Nagas and to uphold Naga cultural identity. The people were confident that by organizing such festival, they would be protecting the common facet of cultural values among the Naga communities and also to endeavor to conserve their cultural identity. The celebration of Lui-Ngai-Nii includes dances and folk songs by representing of all ethnic Naga tribes.  The period of the encounter with the missionaries and the colonial rule was marked by the decadence of the rich cultural heritage like folk songs, folk dances and some of the noble institutions like bachelors dormitory. By the second half of the 20th century Naga scholars and nationalist in their attempt to revive their culture to prove their unique cultural identity and to have a dignity culture, there emerge a new kind of cultural form which are not purely Nagas and not western in form, but resulted into a kind of cultural synthesis, synthesis of European and Naga traits


The writer can be contacted at tuisem.ngakang@gmail.com

Legacy Naga Lost to the West: Dilemmas & Challenges

 Tuisem Nagakang.


I would like to start with an old adage that education is something much wider and broader than schooling. I will say that by education it means the integral process of transmission of culture. Schooling is that somewhat restricted part of it which is professionally given by teacher to pupil, by professional educator to those who come under his tutelage in an organized institution of learning.
In every society, the child is born naked, untaught, bestowed only with his instinctive qualities of mind and body, and they have to be gradually acquire the skills and the ideas of his culture and to develop moral values, social attitudes and the beliefs. In a tribal society like Nagas this whole process of education is carried on by the family and latter by the play/work group in the longshim (morung). In addition to the myriad functions of the longshim, it was one of the most important community institutions where age old culture and tradition of the society was imparted. It is here that the foundations of each generation are laid, molded and built up.  Longshim was the only place where the heroic deeds and valor of the earlier generations are taught, and thus it is the glory of the past that the seeds of the future have to sprout. Through the longshim young people get acquainted with the history, culture, folklore, songs and dance of their village. M.Alemchiba Ao, writing on the functions of morung (longshim) wrote that, it was here that lives had been molded to fall in line with the Naga way of life. Here they learnt the advantage of cooperation and responsibility. They became more self-reliant, with common sense, and better disciplined. It is here that their loyalty and sense of service to the community was developed.[Alemchiba Ao, 1986].


The indigenous Nagas educate their children through the on-going process of life in their traditional customs and values. Through their traditional tales and myths, the elders teach the children the moral ethical modes of behaviors and social organization. Through certain religious rituals and practices, communal attainments of spiritual ideals are established. These spiritual ideal laid the foundation for the respect which the indigenous Nagas have for their political and social institutions, the love respect and obedience which the children must show to their parents and elders, the strong loyalty to oath and the restraintsfrom the perpetuation of evil within the society. Through cultural participation, children acquire the techniques of communication.


Western education was formally introduced to Naga through the establishment of Christian mission schools, and that even up to the present it is still remain almost exclusively in missionaries’ hands. For this Nagas must express a deep debt of gratitude. Regardless of the arguable advantages of this introduction, it also initiated an ever-mounting threat to the survival of non-literate indigenous traditions and cultures. By the time Christian missionaries had colonized the Nagas psyche through western education and religious doctrines, cultural values, belief system had been completely shattered. Indigenous belief systems had became "taboo” that "civilized” people or whom the missionaries called "God’s people” must not associate any longer if they wanted to "get to heaven”. To a large extend the introduction of Western education through the Christian mission schools marked the genesis of severe cultural denigration.


Since the prime agenda of the missionaries’ education was conversion, most of the educational approaches forced upon the Nagas never take into consideration the basic cultural values of the people, nor even consider the positive and strong human qualities of the people. Formal western education process continues to function as instruments for deculturalizing the Nagas so as to blend them more towards the European socio-cultural value system. The students were taught to emulate and admire Biblical heroes like Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, who were great men and women of Jewish nation in ancient world. The writer himself as a Naga Christian grew up singing "Father Abraham has many sons, many sons has father Abraham, I am one of them, so are you, so let us praise the Lord”!! It is ridiculous for a Naga boys and girls to teach in the schools to call Abraham or Jacob their father or look upon Jerusalem as their holy city. Naga history has been undermined and the indigenous traditional culture consequently began to lose its charms and its captivating appeal to the imagination of the Naga youth.


These early educated people from the mission schools are the first group of people who are drifted away not only from the traditional occupation like, agriculture but also are the first to contempt his own traditional culture. The missionaries make their best effort to avoid students from involving in communal ceremonies and other traditional and cultural activities. From the beginning of their enrolment in the schools the Naga students began to estrange from its own community. He developed to contempt to his own traditional heritage and his community. Instead of teaching the student the meaning and the values of Nagas customs, ideas and institutions the missionaries taught the student to avoid from all indigenous culture.


The damages already done to the Naga culture by the missionaries has been reinforced by the influence of globalization. Under the influence of globalization many indigenous cultures are giving way to the dominance of western capitalist culture. Through the increasing advance in mass media associated with new information and communication technologies, people are trying to look more like the Americans or Europeans in their taste and behavior.


It is true that many children’s’ mind are now broadened through the acquisition of a globalized knowledge and imposed multiculturation encourages them to "pull off” their cultural identity. Today Naga youth steadily become self-alienated and lose touch with their indigenous roots as a result of global culture and the capitalist economy which severely tone down the existing indigenous social order. This reality is a serious threat to the continuity of indigenous culture of the Nagas.


I strongly feel that, we need the kind of education that nurture the understanding of the links between person and land, between local heritage and global civilization, students should learn to explore the meaning of rural life, and maintain their attachment to the community. Only strong roots with the community will only be possible for young people to contribute to the community development while achieving personal success.


The educated Naga must be taught in such a way that he will not be unmindful of his indigenous cultural traditions and heritage. He must be taught to understand the meaning, values and significance of the indigenous cultural traditions and customs such an educational process will help in instill in the Nagas a sense of the new cultural pattern that is fast becoming the vogue in our contemporary Naga.


Today the Nagas has two worlds, he belongs to neither of these fully and completely-that is after getting the western education, he partly alienated from pure tribal tradition but never completely adopted into European culture. Culturally Nagas is standing at the border, turning their backs on indigenous and heading to the western culture. Their millennia-old way of life hangs in the balance. It might be tempting to dismiss the Nagas plight as a price of progress, but apart from the tragedy of losing yet another culture in a world of flourishing cultural diversity, the fading of the Naga is a harbinger an early warning of large-scale destruction.


Let me point out here few points which I feel necessary, in sustaining and continuing the rich cultural heritage of the Nagas. A state government like Manipur will be least bother about the preserving and promoting indigenous tribal culture, so it is in the hand of the indigenous people themselves to take the initiative in preserving and promoting the rich cultural heritage. It is not enough to build and maintain cultural centers and clubs, where a few amateur entertainers entertaining audiences at political events, government VIPS and other visitors. Promotion of culture should goes beyond such superficial activities.


I would like to suggest that existing indigenous festivals that are rich in culture must be properly organized. It is true that in some pockets the necessary actions for the survival of traditional culture are being taken up. (For example in some village like Ringui or Ramva celebration of seed sowing festival Lui-ra phanit in a traditional style has now become an annual event). The NGOs or private individuals are required to make an input in the area of funding in order to insure the overall success of such festivals. Participants should be encouraged by rewarding in cash and in other forms by the able individuals.


Every school should take an initiative and facilitate periodic competitions based on the indigenous cultural tradition. These competitions could engage traditional story tellers, who are the expert in traditional customary laws, folk dancers and singers as well as experts in indigenous cuisine, pottery, cloth weaving, pottery and so on, for the purpose of enhancing skills, promoting a competitive spirit and creating general awareness of the rich heritage of the Nagas. The winners should be handsomely rewarded and celebrated.


The existing schools  and institutions may also consider the organizing of "summer camp” inviting experts from different associations to teach school children the tradition of indigenous Naga cultures (like bamboo/cane craft, wood carving, cloth weaving, pottery, indigenous dance, drumming, storytelling etc.) which they are not likely to have learned within the confines of regular school education.


Similarly, there is a need for a general revision of the existing schools syllabi in order to accommodate the cultural heritage of the Nagas. The teaching of culture and tradition must begin at home and must continue into primary as well as secondary education. School curricula must be made to reflect the necessity of cultural values and national pride. Such curriculum must be capable of giving the Naga child a new and positive consciousness of self as a Naga.


Comment or feedback may be sent to:
tuisem.ngakang@gmail.com


Education System in Manipur: A Comparison between the Tribes and Non-Tribes

Abstract

"This paper deals about the education system of Manipur and deals with the crucial relationship which creates inequalities in educational development between the dominant Meitei groups and tribal minorities. Education systems that remain under the dominant administration undermine the rights of equality to the tribal people. This paper will articulate the fogged transparent system of state government policies in education.”

Kashung Zingran Kengoo

 

Introduction

"When it comes to educational initiatives that are intended to have beneficial impact on inter-group relations, a useful starting point is the recognition that one size never fits all. In some cases, one size fits no one.”(Bush & Saltarelli 2000.p,25).

 

Manipur is a multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic and multi-religious state. Imphal is the capital of Manipur. According to Census of India (2001), the total population of Manipur is 22,93,896, and out of which, tribals comprise of 713813 people and remaining 1580083 are Meiteis, and some outsider like, Nepali, Bengali, Behari, etc. Census of India (2001) recognized 29 tribes in Manipur. Manipur comprises of three major communities, Meiteis, Nagas and Kuki-Chin-Mizo. There are nine districts in Manipur, (see table 1.1). Imphal east, Imphal west, Bishnupur and Thoubal districts are dominated by Meiteis (non-tribal) in the valleys of Manipur. The remaining five districts are inhabited by tribals, among tribals, Nagas are the most populated and among Nagas, Tangkhul comprise of highest population inhabiting in Ukhrul district of Manipur. Nagas inhabit in four hilly districts, Ukhrul, Senapati, Tamenglong and Chandel whereas Churachandpur district is dominated by Kuki-Chin-Mizo group of tribes. Geographically, tribal people are settled in hilly areas and are surrounded the Meitei dominated region in the valleys. Multiple ethnic groups have their own distinct language, tradition and culture. There are four major religious groups Christian, Hindu, Muslim (Manipuri Muslim are called Pangan) as well as the indigenous Meitei religion-Sanamahi.

 

Table 1.1

 

Distribution of Ethnic Groups in Manipur

 







District

 

Imphal, Bishnupur and Thoubal

 

Ukhrul

 

Senapati

 

 

 

Tamenglong

 

 

 

Chandel

 

 

 

 

 

Churachandpur
Ethnic Group

 

Meiteis, Pangans, and few Settlements of Kom

 

Tangkhul Nagas and few Settlements of Kukis

 

Mao Nagas, Poumai Nagas, Maram Nagas, Thangal

Nagas, and few Settlement of Kukis

 

Zeliangrong Nagas (Zeliang, Rongmei and Zeme),

Chiru Nagas, and few settlements of Kukis

 

Maring Nagas, Monsang Nagas, Lamkang Nagas,

Chothe Nagas, Monyon Nagas, Tharao Nagas, and

Kukis

 

 

Paite, Simte, Raite, Mizos, Hmar, Suhte, Purum, Gangte, Vaiphei, Kuki.

 

 

Source: Shimray (2001)

 

System of Education

In Manipur, the system of education depends upon powers and money that corrupt the system instead of giving fair and quality education to common people. Education has been politicizing deliberately. Meitei dominated valley areas are maximally developed in education whereas, the minority tribal areas are lagging behind by minimal educational development. "It is easier to add new educational initiatives than to change the old ones. Why? Because the change of educational practice is a fundamentally political threat in the sense that challenges structures of authority, dominance and control.” (Bush & Saltarelli 2000. p,32). The problems of tribal education are fallout of a larger problem of cultural upheaval, political unrest, and economic stagnation that has gripped the education system. Meiteis as the dominant group inhabit in Imphal, the Capital of Manipur and exercise power to administer all the development in education. Democratic forms of educational development are in imbalance in the state. The process of equal tribal participation and inclusive education is unfamiliar in Manipur. Noted scholar from Manipur, Gangmumei (2000) states, "The state has financially and administratively the schools and colleges established by the government or private agencies. In the government schools that are administered by the state bureaucracy there is no question of democracy in management. The aided institutions have to function in accordance to the whims and fancies of the state educational bureaucracy and those who wield political power.”(Gangmumei 2000.p,195). Due to inequality of educational development, conflict arises between the two sections of people. Smith (2003) states, "Irrespective of the degree of decentralization and differentiation between the system, issue of equality carry the potential to inflame or ameliorate conflict between different groups within society. Equality concern may arise in terms of „inputs? such as equal access of all groups to education, transparency in the allocation of resource and the recruitment, training and deployment of teachers.” (Smith 2003.p,26).

 

Recruitment of Teachers

Recruitment of teachers are not on the basis of merit and capability of the individuals, since it has become the system of money power, recruiting the right person is not in the practice by the education department in Manipur. Teachers have been recruited excessively among the Meiteis, and even for the posts which are reserved for the tribals. Naga Youth Front (2010) states, "In the recent recruitment of teachers under the district councils of the hills, 552 posts out of 1600 reserved vacant posts have been given to Meiteis.” (webcasted on 02 June 2010, at www.nagalimvoice.com ).The political leaders and bureaucrats are the key persons to decide whom to offer the post of teachers even though they are not in the field of education department. The more the amount of cash flows into the hands of the leaders by the candidates, the better preference and opportunity to get the position of teachers. It does not pertain only to education sector but to numerous government departments. To quote from Singh (2011), "The estimated rates for various post are discussed in private conversations range between Rs 3-4 lakh for a primary teacher, Rs 10-15 lakh for a sub-inspector/assistant SI of police, up to 15 lakh for a supervisor (women and child welfare), and Rs 15-25 lakh (or even higher) for a state civil services post.” (Singh 2011.p,12). The system of education has been degraded by bribe and corruption in Manipur. Since money and power played important roles to select teachers, many unqualified persons got recruited as a result political leaders interfere in the administration of education like transferring of headmaster and teachers. The inappropriate system of placement and transfer lies in the hands of political godfathers, which as a result severely affects the schools, particularly in the tribal areas.

 

Proxy System of Teachers

Most of the Meitei teachers in remote hill areas got themselves transferred in their respective areas, like, Imphal valley and the adjoining Meitei dominated districts. Consequently many students are left with few teachers in the schools. The investigation of Naga Youth Front (2010) report states, "Many teachers under Education department are given to Meiteis for hill areas and almost 100% of them have been transferred with post to the valley with some excuse leaving behind just 3 to 4 teachers in all schools.” (webcasted on 02 June 2010, at www.nagalimvoice.com ). The non-availability of well-qualified and trained teachers in the rural tribal areas is a serious problem and people appointed a substitute teacher paying a minimum amount from the salary; these proxy systems are very much common in tribal areas of Manipur. President, All Tribal Student Union, Manipur (2008) states, "In the valley, teachers are in excess and schools are overcrowded; most of the teachers from valley those who are posted in the remote tribal hilly region get transferred themselves by means of bribing the concerned officials and politicians.” (Interview, President ATSUM in 2008). The performances of teachers in tribal areas are not satisfactory, leaving the schools with proxy teacher. Teachers leave from their respective schools to places of their own convenience. Withdrawal of monthly salary is considered as their first priority. Some are engaged in alternative business in their hometown. Committed government school teachers are found rarely. Shimray (2007) states "So, to ensure good education, teacher must be equipped enough to deliver competent services. One important thing about teacher is to uphold the commitment. Commitment means to perform his or her professional duty enthusiastically with the sense of responsibility and dignity. So that, outcome has to be accountable to the society as well as for overall social-economic development. No doubt, our society has produced high literate population but few educated persons.” (Webcasted on 27 August 2007, at thohepou.wordpress.com).

 

Linguistic and Identity Problems

Medium of instruction in primary schools is becoming a serious issue in tribal areas. In primary stages the first medium of instruction ought to be in their mother tongue, secondly, English, and then regional and mainstream languages as third priority of instruction. Due to non-availability of textbook in their mother tongue in tribal areas, school children are compelled to learn in English as the medium of instruction, whereas Meitei dominant people have their own mother tongue in textbooks. Among tribals, every tribe has their own distinct language in roman script. Singh (2000) states, "The soio-cultural milieu of the tribal people of Manipur has its distinctive characteristic. The 29 recognised tribes of the state speak 29 dialects. Hence, there is a need to develop instructional materials in most of the tribal dialects in addition to the 5 major dialects, namely, Hmar, Paite, Tangkhul, Lushai, Thadou (Kuki), which are used as the medium of instruction in primary schools in the hill area of Manipur.” (Singh 2000.p,207). In tribal areas, the problem of instruction in mother tongue in schools remains unchanged. Thus tribals remain confined to their respective dialects; they do not know how to read and write Manipuri and Hindi scripts. Therefore, teachers for Manipuri and Hindi subjects are difficult to find among tribals.

One of the core issues is that of setting the school syllabus. The curriculum and content cover merely about the mainstream India and the dominant Meitei society. None of the subjects cover about the history or culture of tribals. Consequently school students are forced to learn the mainstream and Meiteis history which is deteriorating the rich culture, tradition and identity of tribal people by the dominant Meiteis educational policy makers. Language and identity are inseparable they supported each other. Shimray (2007) states, "Indeed, the social co-existent is weakened by the contention of ethnic sentiment, partisan interest, jealousy and individualism. Present language row in a very serious subject and has to be debated across every section of the society and community. Now, the state faces inevitable "counter- productive” from the peripheral hills. Not only the language issue, but it is clearly that there is a serious socio-economic inequality between hills and valley district as well as tribal and non-tribal. Today, valley districts are rather well ahead in all round economic and infrastructural development. Such economic inequality as well as Metei Mayek issue would further fosters ethnicism and sectarian aspirations. Language is culturally sensitive issue because it touches the core of social element as well as identity. Present language imbroglio is seen as another potential factor that can stir up ethnic hornet.” (Webcasted on 3 October 2007, at www.e-pao.net). Traditional tribal arts, literature, music, dance, etc are excluded from the curriculum; only the dominant Meiteis cultural heritages is available in syllabus from primary to higher level of education in Manipur. Building their own culture ignoring the tribal minority in curriculum triggered conflict between Meiteis and tribals. It also witnessed in different parts of the world as Smith (2003) states, "A significant part of the curriculum is dedicated to the arts, music, literature history and geography and in some countries these are referred to as „national subjects?, that is, they are seen as an important way of consolidating a common sense of national Identity. The potential for conflict arises when the cultural heritage and traditions of a majority group dominate the school curriculum and when the art forms, music and literature of minorities are unrepresented. Even where there is little diversity within a population the curriculum may portray a picture of national heritages that is chauvinist or ethnocentric.” (Smith 2003.p,31).

There are numerous ways leading to conflict in education, specially, when education system that gives importance to dominant group, particularly in the case of curriculum that deals with language, religion, and culture. In Manipur, imposition of dominant Meitei language (Meiteilon) and Meitei Mayek (Manipuri Script) upon the tribals generate conflict. It has also been considered as compulsory subject in Imphal valley, but tribal agitated against the alien subject as a compulsory subject in the indigenous traditional tribal areas. Shishak (1992) states, "But I dare say the Meitei-controlled government of Manipur has no legal and moral right to make Meitei language study compulsory in schools.” (Shishak 1992.p,4). Against the obligation of Meitei language, the apex tribal student body ATSUM President (2006) states, "respect any movement to restore and revive the indigenous script of any community, we will not accept the imposition of Metei Mayek on the tribal people of Manipur.” (Webcasted on 5 November 2006, at delhithurawn.net). The head Naga organization in Manipur, United Naga Council (UNC), All Tribal Students? Union, Manipur, and Kuki Student Organisation, strongly protested to turn down the imposition. Language is an important element of one?s own growth in culture associated with identity. Seitz (2004) states, "The formal education system contributes to exacerbating societal conflicts in particular when it (re) produces socio-economics disparities and brings about social marginalization or compartmentation, or promotes the teaching of identity and citizenship concepts which deny the cultural plurality of society and which then lead to intolerance towards "the other”. Education is, as numerous examples document, a key medium with which ethnicity is mobilized for the escalation of conflicts.” (Seitz 2004.p,10).

 

Role of Community in Education

Every tribal district has a government model school which has been established long time ago. They were inaugurated by the concerned leaders but the operation and activities of schools are not look into by any concerned officials. Later the schools remained vacant, since the schools have no infrastructures. The schools remain unfit for being used as they are not renovated. Jamani (2006) states, "The inadequate physical facilities and poor communication in the rural and hill areas are the main obstacles in the process of universalisation of primary education. Leaving School by the children before the completion of their full course may be attributed to the unfavorable environment in the School. The quality of the furniture such as benches, desks, blackboard in many of the school in Manipur is below standard. In some Schools in rural areas, children are made to sit on the floor; some of the School buildings have no wall. The approach roads are muddy.” (Jamani 2006.p,65). Inspection of school from the education department is unknown and negligence of the concerned authority creates poor administration in schools. Village government schools are in pathetic condition. Due to huge difference of government and private school, parents prefer to send their children to private schools. Poor administration leads to dysfunction of government school and some of the village schools remain closed throughout the year. One, NGO called International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD) Project Manager states, "We examined all the schools. Most of the government schools are like animal shelters that are not fit for human beings.” On the other side, villages Churches played an important role to develop education. Approximately 95 percent of the tribal people professed Christianity. Churches and village councils take an initiative together to expand education. Majority of the tribal village Churches set up and run English schools. At Tangkhul village in Ukhrul district called Hoomi, the Pastor states, "Tithe is the main income to run the English school.” Apart from establishment of schools, most of the Churches in tribal villages sponsored the children of poor parent in school stages and higher studies in different parts of India. The students studied Theological as well as secular studies.

 

Problems of Higher Secondary Schools

 

The tribal regions in Manipur lack higher secondary schools, even few secondary schools which are located in tribal areas has been devaluing the quality of education by lack of infrastructure and faculty. Once the headmaster or principal retire, the vacant post remains unfilled for long durations. Existences of principal in higher secondary schools are rare and the senior faculty of any department is deputed as a principal. Likewise in Ukhrul one of the chief populated Tangkhul Nagas districts there is only one college-Pettigrew College. Mr. Mashun Stone a senior lecturer is deputed as principal in charge of college. The same case happened in Ukhrul Higher Secondary School and Industrial Training Institutes. Some of the newly upgraded high schools to higher secondary schools in tribals areas are found lacking infrastructure, facilities and faculty. The headmasters of the schools are placed as principal in charges and they are not qualified to be principal due to their low profile of educational qualification. Lecturers are appointed on contract basis and since the lecturer did not get their monthly salary on time, they do not fully attended the academic calendar, they are engaged in other activities for their daily needs. Lecturers did not get their monthly salary for five to six months. The principal in charge of the Somdal Higher Secondary schools in Ukhrul district (2010), states, "Since the lecturer did not get their salary on time, they are looking for alternative income for their survival, I cannot force them to stay back for full academic calendar.”

 

Waiting for the state government to uplift the facilities of schools in tribal areas remain hopeless. In order to get better education system in tribal areas, private schools compete to affiliate in Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) and Indian Council of School Education (ICSE), but the state government did not encourage the private schools. The Meitei dominated Manipur government creates a stumbling block by rejecting private schools affiliation to CBSE and ICSE, which are directly under the direct control of central government. Democratically, it denied the Rights to Education for tribal people in Manipur. Taking an advantage to control and impose state education policies, the will of dominant groups create chaos between tribes and dominant non-tribes Meitei. The then Member of Parliament (MP) of outer Manipur Mr. Charamanei on 27 May, 2005, wrote to Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), it states, "The most insensible and cruel act of the Manipur Government is the imposition of the ban of private schools from getting affiliation to the CBSE and ICSE which is nothing but violation of rights to education to the tribal people.”

 

Colleges in Tribal Areas

 

Among the nine districts in Manipur, The census of India (2001), shows Meitei inhabited areas are better in higher education. Comparing among the tribals in Manipur, Ukhrul score the highest percent in higher education level followed by Chandel. Tribal are lacking behind in higher education, in comparison with Meiteis due to deprivation of educational facilities and lack of educational institution in tribal region whereas Meiteis dominated districts have sufficient educational institution and facilities. The only central university is located in Imphal valley and is subjugated by Meiteis thus excluding the attention of tribals. Singh (2006) "Manipur is not far behind from other states in tribal education but it share in technical and professional education is not up to the mark. The hill areas suffer from lack of institutions of higher learning.” (Singh 2006.p,46). All the important colleges are based in Imphal valleys while few colleges are located in tribal areas. However, there is lack of college teachers in hilly region, and there are also many teachers post lying vacant in tribal areas. The report of the Higher Education Commission (2003) states, "The commission finds that there is a great disparity in infrastructure development between colleges in the hills and the valley and also colleges in the urban and the rural areas of the valley. This disparity has effected higher education adversely, particularly in the hills where even the basic infrastructure and the minimum teaching staff are found lacking.” (Report of the Manipur State Higher Education Commission 2003.p,viii).

 

In 2005, there were 57 colleges in Manipur out of which 16 colleges are located in the tribal districts whereas 41 colleges are located in Meitei dominated districts. Colleges of importance like, Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS), Law, Polythecnic, Engeeneering, Management, Business, Dance, Computer etc. were set up in Imphal and other Meitei populated districts. Few colleges have been set up in tribal region of Manipur. Among them Churachandpur district has 5 colleges including 1 Law college, making it the tribal district with most colleges whereas others district like Ukhrul have only 1 college.

 

Problems of Higher Education

Seitz (2004) states "One of the key questions for the relationship between education and conflict is the manner in which education systems organize their dealings with diversity.” (Seitz 2004, p.10). Conflict has affected education from various directions in Manipur state, which has multiple ethnic groups within one boundary, i.e., from Meitei, the larger dominant group, and down to the smaller tribal groups among the society. Tribes agitated against the low intake of students in Manipur University. Census of India (2001) depicts, Meitei?s population consists of 65.7 percent and remaining 34.3 percent comprises of tribals. Tribals protest against the reservation policy which is only 7.5 percent in Manipur University. Tribal students demand 34.3 percent, according to the proportion of tribal population in Manipur University as well as job reservation in Manipur but the response remain in vain. Looking for alternative solution for tribal students in Manipur, ATSUM states "Too much energy and resource has been wasted trying to get a dignified share of our rights to education. We do not have any faith in government?s will or capacity to develop our human resources. We have reached a limit where we have to look for alternatives.” (The Imphal Free press, webcasted on 9 September 2007, at kanglaonline.com).

Due to Manipur University discriminating and segregating educational rights of tribals, tribals were compelled to demand separate tribal hills university. Facing the problems, tribals struggle for equality cannot be kept in isolation. To solve the problems of tribal students in Manipur, division of separate tribes and non-tribes educational administrative will be effective. Vaunglallian (2010) pointed out two divisional points by setting up of educational department, "the Manipur Hills Education Department (& Service) and the Manipur Valley Educational Department (& Service). To draw maximum benefit for such small and beautiful Departments, we must have two separate Ministers, two separate Secretaries/Commissioners, two separate Directorates and two separate budgets etc., so that there can never be any sort of inter-transfer, or „overlapping (a word very applicable and relevant today). It will also actually help if the officers and buildings of the two Departments/Services are as far as apart possible – one big deep in the Hills and the others in the far corner of the country.” (Webcasted on 24 September 2010, at www.thesangaiexpress.com).

 

Migration

 

The above mentioned points in this paper highlight the evident of tribal deprivation in education. There are many stumbling blocks to pursue education in Manipur. The problems of education system compelled tribal students to migrate in different parts of India for better and quality education. Due to lack of educational institution, poor infrastructure, the large number of tribal students leave Manipur at the level of high schools, higher secondary and higher education, seeking admission in different parts of educational institution like Shillong, Delhi, Mumbai,Bangalore etc. However, the general problems in Manipur, three years bachelor degree course in Manipur University has affected the career of students; as it takes five years to complete. Ethnic conflict, corruption, bandhs, strikes and flexible academic calendar disrupt academic career of the students such as extension of syllabus to be covered, postponing examination etc. Politicians and bureaucrats do not give priority to education in the states, since, their sons and daughters are outside the states for getting good education.

 

Conclusion

 

Government frameworks do not suit to tackle the issues and problems arising in education at tribal areas. The attitudes of governments towards education in rural hilly region of Manipur are not satisfactory. The schemes and programmes do not reach in time and the concerned department officers who have been given responsibility are corrupt. In the present situation, if the educational development depends on government to reform the education system, it will face critical and uncertain futures in terms of education. The education system has been considered a state government?s responsibility. The role of the central government is to formulate broad policy frameworks in order to ensure quality, and setting norms for utilization of resources through various sponsored schemes from time to time. There are huge differences in education between the tribal hill regions and dominant groups in the valley of Manipur. The present problems of education in Manipur represents a crisis of governance, which in turn reflects a crisis across a range of political, social, economic and administrative systems that are in place to adjust the development and management of resources and provision of services to different communities of society.

 

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